How Big Business Invented the Theology of 'Christian Libertarianism' and the Gospel o

Jun 2014
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How Big Business Invented the Theology of 'Christian Libertarianism' and the Gospel of Free Markets | Alternet

The inside history of how Evangelical preachers were used to infuse society with the economic dogma that plagues us today.


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Initially, businessmen outsourced this campaign to an unlikely set of champions: ministers. Though this decision seemed unorthodox, the logic was laid out clearly in private. “Recent polls indicate that America’s clergymen are a powerful influence in determining the thinking and acting of the people in the economic realm,” noted one organizer, and so business leaders should “enlist large numbers of clergymen” to “act as minutemen, carrying the message upon all proper occasions throughout their several communities.”

Over the second half of the 1940s, corporate leaders lavishly funded new organizations of ministers who would make their case for them. Some of these groups secured donations from a broad array of businessmen. Reverend James W. Fifield’s Spiritual Mobilization, for instance, amassed millions in corporate and personal checks from leaders at companies such as General Motors, Chrysler, US Steel, Republic Steel, International Harvester, Firestone Tire and Rubber, Sun Oil, Gulf Oil, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Colgate-Palmolive-Peet and countless more. Others leaned heavily on the generosity of a single patron. The Christian Freedom Foundation, created by Reverend Norman Vincent Peale and then led by layman Howard Kershner, was sustained almost single-handedly by Sun Oil President J. Howard Pew. The Pew family’s contributions to the organization averaged more than $300,000 a year for twenty-five years.

With this generous funding, ministers in these organizations spread the arguments of Christian libertarianism. “I hold,” Reverend Fifield asserted, “that the blessings of capitalism come from God. A system that provides so much for the common good and happiness must flourish under the favor of the Almighty.” But concern for the “common good” was uncommon in their arguments, which tended instead to emphasize the values of individualism. In their telling, Christianity and capitalism were indistinguishable on this issue: both systems rested on the fundamental belief that an individual would rise or fall on his or her own merit alone. Just as the saintly ascended to Heaven and sinners fell to Hell, the worthy rose to riches while the wretched were resigned to the poorhouse.

Any political system that meddled with this divinely prescribed order of things was nothing less than a “pagan” abomination. Indeed, they argued, the welfare state stood in direct opposition to the Ten Commandments. “We emphasize the interdependence of freedom and Christianity,” the Christian Freedom Foundation announced in its founding statement. “When the First Commandment ‘Thou shalt have no other Gods before me’ is violated and the state is exalted to take the place of God as the highest authority over the actions of man, freedom is suppressed. Conversely, Christianity can thrive only where human beings live under a system of free institutions and government by the people.” The welfare state, a CFF member argued elsewhere, violated the eighth and tenth commandments by encouraging the poor to covet what the wealthy had and “forcibly taking the wealth of the more enterprising citizens for distribution to others.” And because it spread scurrilous rumors about the rich and made extravagant promises to the poor that it could never deliver, the New Deal violated the ninth commandment’s injunction against bearing false witness, too.

Armed with this framework, and the ample funding of their financial backers, these organizations spread the gospel of Christian libertarianism. In publications like Faith and Freedom and Christian Economics, they introduced tens of thousands of clergymen to the work of prominent libertarian thinkers including Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Percy Greaves, George Koether, Garet Garrett, Henry Hazlitt, Frank Chodorov and Clarence Manion, presenting their originally secular arguments in a new sanctified light. Spiritual Mobilization went further, proselytizing the general public over the radio. Corporate sponsors, such as Republic Steel, secured airtime for its weekly program “The Freedom Story” and spread its warnings about “creeping socialism” over more than 800 radio stations nationwide.

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Just like the televangelist; they hitched the ride with the republican party, created the political cult of the magic words of "born again" infused "Evangelism" to get tax dollars to invade prisons, and the military and take over social programs, and poof; the rich got richer and the poor were no more smarter for it.
 
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And so the coupling of the capitalist religion cult with the republican party was fused together.

That said, Eisenhower had incredible success with one of the goals he had shared with these supporters: promoting the politics of piety and patriotism. Uncoupling their religious rhetoric from its origins in the fight against the New Deal, he broadened its appeal considerably and helped usher in a national religious revival that was embraced across the political spectrum. He introduced new religious rituals to American politics, ranging from the ritual of prayers at Cabinet meetings, the State Department and Pentagon to annual rites like the National Prayer Breakfast. He inspired others throughout government to inaugurate new religious symbols and ceremonies of their own. Most significantly, Congress added the words “under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance in 1954 and made “In God We Trust” the country’s first official motto in 1956.

Unlike the Christian libertarians, who presented God and government as rivals, Eisenhower managed to fuse the two together into what the first National Prayer Breakfast hailed as a wholesome “government under God.” The American nation was now officially suffused with religion, and so it would remain.
 
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Jun 2012
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Barsoom
You do know that libertarianism is based on God and Christianity, right?
 
Dec 2013
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Beware of watermelons
Surprisingly enough this coinsides directly w/ in God we trust being mandated on our currency and other red scare propaganda. May as well use those ungodly communists to promote statism.
 
Jun 2012
41,952
15,181
Barsoom
Surprisingly enough this coinsides directly w/ in God we trust being mandated on our currency and other red scare propaganda. May as well use those ungodly communists to promote statism.
"In God We Trust" on currency came about during the Civil War.
 
Dec 2013
33,811
19,372
Beware of watermelons
"In God We Trust" on currency came about during the Civil War.
We have had this discussion before it didn't become federally mandated until the 50s along w/ the pledge. All part of the red scare. Intertwining Christianity and statism to join us together against the godless communists.

Can we please also avoid the entire Locke and libertarianism discussion also?
 
Jun 2012
41,952
15,181
Barsoom
We have had this discussion before it didn't become federally mandated until the 50s along w/ the pledge. All part of the red scare. Intertwining Christianity and statism to join us together against the godless communists.

Can we please also avoid the entire Locke and libertarianism discussion also?
The Treasury couldn't put it on currency without legislation in 1864, and legislation is a mandate.

I was only responding to a historically inaccurate post regarding libertarianism.
 
Jul 2014
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The Treasury couldn't put it on currency without legislation in 1864, and legislation is a mandate.

I was only responding to a historically inaccurate post regarding libertarianism.
It was put on coins during the Civil War, but it wasn't put on paper currency until the 1950's. When God was also added to the pledge of allegiance.
 
Jun 2012
41,952
15,181
Barsoom
It was put on coins during the Civil War, but it wasn't put on paper currency until the 1950's. When God was also added to the pledge of allegiance.
What does that have to do with my statement?